※ 本文為 MindOcean 轉寄自 ptt.cc 更新時間: 2018-02-18 18:48:52
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作者 標題 [新聞]南蘇丹衝突五年百萬流離 國際冷漠以待
時間 Sun Feb 18 14:16:10 2018
1.媒體來源:
The Economist
2.完整新聞標題:
The Economist explains How the international community has failed South Sudan
南蘇丹衝突五年百萬流離 國際冷漠以待
3.完整新聞內文:
Too many countries turn a blind eye to this troubled young state
新興國家南蘇丹建國以來動盪不斷，各國卻視而不見，充耳不聞。
HOW to solve a problem like South Sudan? Regional peacemakers gathering in Addis Ababa over the past fortnight have struggled again to find an answer. Despite a succession of peace agreements and international resolutions (indeed the peacemakers may sign something this week), fighting in the world's newest country has now entered its fifth year. It erupted in 2013 after President Salva Kiir (a Dinka) sacked his deputy, Riek Machar (a Nuer), pitting the country's two largest ethnic groups against each
other in a deadly struggle for supremacy. Since then fighting has taken place across multiple fronts, as rebel groups have mushroomed across the country. Nearly a third of the population have fled their homes and over 5m face hunger. IGAD, the east African bloc leading the peacemaking efforts, brokered a ceasefire in December. But the South Sudanese government, which has the stronger military force, shows little interest in meaningful compromise. And without the credible threat of tough sanctions or a
comprehensive arms embargo, violations of the ceasefire have become the norm. UN peacekeepers are present in the country, but overstretched. Why has South Sudan become another study in the international community's failings?
南蘇丹問題到底怎麼解決？和平會議過去兩週在衣索比亞首都Addis Abbaba舉行，但各國依然束手無策。雖然現在和平協議跟國際決議已經出爐，而且和平會議將於本週簽定協議，但是南蘇丹問題仍然無解，動亂至今步入第五個年頭。事件源頭是2013年的時候，南蘇丹總統Salva Kiir（Dinka 族）把副總統Riek Machar（Nuer族）開除掉，引爆兩族群權力鬥爭，叛亂團體雨後春筍般出現，最終演變成內戰大亂鬥，造成全國三分之一人口流離失所，超過五百萬人生靈塗炭。
和平會議主要負責單位是東非的政府間發展組織（IGAD），在十二月的時候達成停火協議。然而，南蘇丹政府挾軍力優勢，視和談如無物。停火協議因為缺乏經濟制裁或武器禁運等威脅性措施而效力不彰，經常遭到打破，可謂肆無忌憚。聯合國雖有維和部隊駐防南蘇丹，但是因為人力不足而分身乏術。南蘇丹儼然成為國際合作的失敗案例。究竟為何會走到如此地步呢？
UN peacekeeping missions need a host government's permission to operate. But South Sudan, a country still less than a decade old, is especially prickly about threats to its sovereignty. Its government has repeatedly obstructed the work of UNMISS, the UN's $1bn-per-year mission in South Sudan. It has refused, for example, to allow it to send troops to stop massacres (often because it is the government that is carrying out those killings). Government troops have attacked and killed UN personnel, and even
shot down two UNMISS helicopters. An additional 4,000-strong regional protection force sent to defend Juba, the capital, last August was delayed for months in part because of wranglings over the scope of its mandate. The government still refuses to cede it control of the city's airport.
聯合國維和部隊要展開行動，還必須獲得駐地國政府核准，但是南蘇丹這個建國不到十年的國家，很怕主權遭侵犯，對於主權議題極為敏感。政府處處刁難聯合國在南蘇丹的特派團，每年十億美元的預算就這樣窒礙難行。聯合國特派團原本欲派遣部隊終止大屠殺，結果被政府回絕（畢竟許多屠殺都是政府軍犯下的）。政府軍還殺害聯合國工作人員，甚至打下兩架聯合國直升機。去年八月派遣4000人維和部隊保衛首都Juba，結果卻遭到拖延數月，原因是部隊的權責談不攏，而至今政府仍然拒絕交出首都機場的控制權。
The UN, in principle, retains the right to impose its will by force should a government fail to protect its own citizens. But even relatively soft punishments like sanctions require consensus among its members, which in the case of South Sudan has been near impossible. Countries such as Britain expressed support for an arms embargo early in the conflict; America was more ambivalent. By late 2016 Washington had come round to the idea, but it failed to convince the rest of the UN Security Council, above
all China (which has a substantial stake in South Sudan's oilfields) and Russia. Both argue the UN must follow the lead of the African Union (AU). But there is little appetite for sanctions among South Sudan's neighbours, not least in those countries, such as Sudan and Kenya, whose leaders have themselves been the subject of international sanctions or arrest warrants. Meanwhile South Sudan still has allies in the vicinity, in particular Uganda, whose president, Yoweri Museveni, has long been close with
his South Sudanese peer, Salva Kiir. "Without their buy-in, punitive measures simply can't happen," says Ahmed Soliman of Chatham House, a London-based think-tank.根據規定，一國政府若無法保護人民，聯合國有權力強行介入。但就連經濟制裁這類軟性懲罰措施，都需要會員國同意才准實施。正因如此，對南蘇丹的經濟制裁一直過不了。衝突初期的時候，英國等國就表態支持武器禁運，而美國則是不願表態。到了2016年，美國終於願意支持禁運，但提案卻在安理會被擋下，主要是因為中國和俄羅斯反對（中國需要南蘇丹的油田）。中俄都堅持聯合國必須靠非洲聯盟（AU）來制裁，但是南蘇丹的鄰國都不太願意跟進，畢竟像是蘇丹與肯亞等國，領導人自己都被國際制裁，甚至通緝了。再加上南蘇丹旁邊還有些許盟友。烏干達總統Yoweri
Museveni本身就是南蘇丹總統Salva Kiir的好朋友。「沒有這些國家支持，制裁根本過不了。」倫敦智庫Chatham House的Ahmed Soliman表示。
The government in Juba is losing diplomatic ground, though. America, which imposed a unilateral (though largely symbolic) arms embargo on February 2nd, may again call on the UN to follow suit when the council meets to discuss the crisis at the end of the month. Recent statements from the AU suggests growing sympathy for such ideas in Africa, too. But it is unclear whether there is a real sense of urgency. When fighting broke out in late 2013 it risked becoming a proxy war between, in particular,
neighbouring Sudan and Uganda. Today the conflict is more contained and many governments in the region may be willing to turn a blind eye.然而，風向正在改變，南蘇丹政府逐漸面臨外交失利。美國自二月二日起自行實施單邊武器禁運，雖然目前沒什麼實質影響，但是美國仍有可能在月底召開的安理會上提出，並呼籲聯合國跟進。根據非洲聯盟近期所發出的聲明顯示，非洲各國的風向也逐漸轉變，支持制裁的越來越多，但是各國是否有危機意識，仍然不明。
2013年底南蘇丹衝突剛爆發的時候，很有可能演變成鄰國蘇丹和烏干達之間的代理人戰爭，但現在衝突多屬國內，因此鄰國政府就視而不見，充耳不聞。
4.完整新聞連結 (或短網址):
https://goo.gl/KmzPS8
5.備註:
台灣老闆常說年輕人沒國際觀（whatever that is～～）
過年就來翻譯國際新聞讓八卦板滿滿的國際觀
推了啦，讓它爆！
還有，聯合國真的不能幹嘛耶
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→ : 界
→ : 界
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→ : 沒有實體利益支撐，國際法只是虛幻的笑話
推 : 推熱心翻譯71F 02/18 17:54
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→ : 加油
→ : 支持繼續翻譯
→ : 加油
→ : 支持繼續翻譯
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